Harbour informations about: Selected Written Sources

The port of Abdera is mentioned in the 6th book of Herodotus (VI 46-7), with the occasion of a command of the Persian king Dareios: «πέμψας άγγελον εκέλευε σφέας το τείχος περιαιρέειν και τάς νέας ες Άβδηρα κομίζειν», «οι δέ Θάσιοι τω βασιλέι κελέυσαντι καί τό τείχος το σφέτερον κατείλον καί τάς νέας τάς πάσας εκόμισαν ες Άβδηρα».




Abdera


The harbour of ancient Aigeira is mentioned by Pausanias (VII, 26: 1-9) and Polybius (IV, 57).




Aigeira


"The town of Akko is situated on an elevation, partly sloping partly level. Most of the towns on the (Syrian) coast have a harbor which is the name given to a constructed safe anchorage for ships. It resembles a large pen whose rear, closed ends abuts the town, with two side walls projecting into the sea. In the side facing the sea is the entrance, some 50 cubits wide, with a chain stretching from the end of the wall to the end of the other. To admit a ship, the chain is lowered into the sea to a depth that allows the ship to pass over it. Then the chain is again raised so as to prevent stranger vessels from attacking the ships within."




Akko


The Execration texts of 12th Dynasty in Egypt (1991- 1784 BCE) to pilgrims writings in the 18th century CE




Akko


Pseudo-Skyllax (mid 4th c. BC) mentions Amathous as one of the cities with a deserted port. Similarly, Strabo and Stadiasmos mention the city, as well as other authors as Pausanias, Pliny, Ptolemy, Stefanos Vizantios, however without any comment on the harbour.




Amathous


Die Lage des alten Hafens, des "Caenon" (Livius II 63,6 ; Dion.Hal. IX 56)ist nicht bekannt. Der Neu- bzw. Ausbau unter Nero ist durch Sueton überliefert (Sueton, Nero IX 5).



Anzio


Atlit has no historical reference before the modern era. The local Arabs used the name in recent times. The only etymological resemblance is the Phoenician name Athalia, the notorious Judean queen. The philologists could consider the name as derived from Athal – strong, mighty. On the vertical quarried wall, east to the Phoenician settlement, there are two large lapidaric letters A TH incised into the rock. Their size is so large that they may be seen from the highway. The letters are the abbreviation of the Phoenician script, probably the first two signs of the name of the ancient settlement (6th - 5th century BCE). Even if the name has a Semitic origin it was not found among known Phoenician names.

In the 4th century BCE itinerary book Pseudo-Schylax (Periplus), Atlit is mentioned as being found between Carmel and Dor. In the Roman period it may have been called Adarus or Bucolon Polis (Atlit), was part of the site named Certha, being included in the territory of the port of Dor. During this period it was taken from the Phoenicia boundaries and submitted to Palestina Prima.

The boundary between Atlit and Dor, as mentioned in Pilgrim Bordeaux (9:10) was at Khirbet Dustrey. This site is situated 2 km east of the Crusader Castle, where a deep gorge was quarried through the kurkar ridge and known in Arabic as Bab el-Ajal (the Gate of Carts). During the Crusaders conquest (1099) this passage was used to ambush the rubbers and the road pirates. Dustrey was preserved through the Crusader period by the name Le Detroit or Districtum, also known by the name Petra incisa (quarried rock). The rock cutting at Atlit is much older than the Crusader period.




Atlit


"Along the coast Herod discovered a city that was in decay named Straton’s Tower. The stretch of coast-line from Dora to Joppa, between which the city lies, was completely devoid of harbors, so that every ship sailing from Egypt along the coast of Phoenicia had to ride at anchor in open when menaced by southwest wind, for even a moderate breeze from this quarter dashes the wave to such a height against the cliffs that their reflux spread a great commotion far out to sea (JW 1.409)."

" Now the city is located in Phoenicia, on the sea-route to Egypt, between Joppa and Dora. There are small towns on the seashore and are poor harbors, because the southwest wind beats on them and always dredges up sand from sea upon shore, and thus does not permit smooth landing; instead, it is usually necessary from merchants to ride unsteadily at anchor off shore (AntJ 15.333)."

The site may be reached by the coastal highway, and Wadi Milek is the connecting way to Jerusalem.




Caesarea


Although, such unfavorable conditions of the Israeli coast, Herod was determined to construct a magnificent harbor at this site, to serve as a commercial link between the Roman Empire and also serve the capital of Jerusalem. The construction of the harbor appears almost identical, both in the Antiquities of Jews and the Jewish Wars:

"Having calculated the relative size of the harbor (limen), he let down some blocks (lithoi) into the sea to depth of 20 fathoms (c.20 m). Most of them were 50 feet long (15.25 m), 9 feet high (2.7 m) and 10 feet wide (3.05 m), some even larger. When the submarine foundation was finished, he then laid out the moles (teichos) above the sea level, 200 feet across (c.61 m). Of this, a 100 foot (c.30 m) portion was built out to break the forces of the waves, and consequently was called the outer barrier (prokomia). The rest supported the stonewall (teichos) that encircled the harbor. At intervals along it were towers (pyrgoi), the tallest and most magnificent of which was named Drusion, after the stepson of Caesar. There were numerous vaulted chambers for the reception of those entering the harbor, and the whole curving structure in front of them was a wide promenade for those who disembarked. The entrance channel faced north, for in this region the north wind always brings the clear skies. At the harbor entrance were colossal statues, three on either side, set up on columns. A massively built tower (pyrgos) supported the columns on the port side of boats entering harbor, those on the starboard side, two upright blocks of stone yoked together, higher than the tower on the right side (JW 1.411-13)."

"To correct this drawback in the topography, he (Herod) laid out a circular harbor (limen) on a scale sufficient to allow large fleets to lie anchor close to shore, and let down enormous blocks of stone (lithoi) to a depth of 20 fathoms. Most were 50 feet long, not less than 18 feet wide and 9 feet high. The structure, which he threw up as a barrier against the sea, was 200 feet wide. Half of this opposed the breaking waves, warding off the surge breaking there on all sides. Consequently it was called a breakwater (prokomatia or prokomia). The rest comprised o stonewall (teichos) set at intervals with towers (pyrgoi), the tallest of which, quite a beautiful thing was called Drusion, taking the name from Drusus, the stepson of Caesar who died young. A series of vaulted chambers was built into it for the reception of sailors, and in front of them a wide, curving quays (apobasis) encircling the whole harbor, very pleasant for those who wish to stroll around. The foundations of the whole encircling wall on the port side of those sailing into the harbor was a tower (pyrgos) built up on a broad base to withstand the water firmly, while on the starboard side were two great blocks (lithoi), taller than the tower on the opposite side, upright and yoked together (AntJ 15.334-38)."




Caesarea


The Hellenistic name of Dor is Dora (Δώρα). The earliest known historical reference to Dor comes from an inscription in the temple at el-Amarna (Nubia), and dated to the reign of Ramesses II, the first halt of the 13th century BCE. This inscription refers to a list of eastern Mediterranean coastal cities and among them is mentioned Dor as being found in Canaan.

Another Egyptian reference comes from a papyrus dated to the time of the Judges, around 1100 BCE. In the papyrus is told the story of Wen-Amon, an Egyptian official sent to Byblos to buy cedar wood for the construction of the sacred barge. On the way he made a stop at Dor, a town inhabited by Sikilians (Sikuli – one of the Sea Peoples).

Dor is mentioned several times in the Bible:

Joshua 11:2 – Dor is identified as an ally to Yavin, king of Hazor

Joshua 12:23 – Dor is found on the list of thirty one kings defeated by Joshua

Joshua 17:27 – Dor is found among the cities designated to be in the western half of the inheritance of Menasseh

Judges 1:27 – Menasseh did not drive out the inhabitance of Dor

I Kings 4:11Dor was made one of the twelve districts of Solomon.

Stephen of Byzantium (probably the 5th century CE), wrote about Dor:

"Next to Caesarea lies Dor, a very small city inhabited by Phoenicians. They settled here on somewhat rocky nature beaches and the abundance of the purple fish. When their business prospered, they split the rock, and made a harbour with good and safety anchorage. They called the place in their native tong Dor. But, the Greeks, for the sake of its more pleasing sound, agreed to call the city Dora. And some make the statement that Doros, the son of Poseidon was its founder."




Dor


written sources – the earliest known historical reference of Dor comes from an inscription in the temple of el-Amarna (Nubia), dated to the regn of Ramesses II (first half of the 13th century BCE)

- papyrus dated to the time of the Judges, c.1100 BCE, form the story of Wen-Amon, an Egyptian official sent to Byblos to buy cedar wood for the Sacrad Barge. Wenamon stopped at Dor, a Sikilian town (Sea Peoples)

- Dor is mentioned in the Bible: in three Books of Joshua 11:2, 12:23, 17:11; Judges 1:27; Kings 4:11




Dor


Although the Eretrian maritime superiority was directly associated with the town’s port facilities, the number of extant written sources, and epigraphic evidence attesting to this fact are fairly limited.

Thucydides refers to the port of Eretria in his account of the naval engagement between Sparta and Athens that took place at the port’s entrance and ended with the destruction of the Athenian fleet (411 BC, Thuc. 8, 95). The port, as Pseudoskylax points out (Skyl. 22), «Μετά δε άνδρον Εύβοια νήσος αύτη τετράπολις εισί δε εν Κάρυστος. Ερέτρια και λιμήν».

In antiquity the port preserved its original width (8 m) and stood at 86 cm lower from today’s sea level. The original construction dates to the beginning of the second half of the 4th century BC, while certain repairs for the port’s enhancement were carried out in the early 3rd century BC.

An inscription dating between 322 and 308 BC contains the terms and conditions pertaining to the drainage of a marshy area. Said project was assigned by the Municipality of Eretrians to someone by the name of Herefanis. The majority of researchers agree that this marshy area was the basin of the interior port, which at the time had become shallow and turned into a marsh (IG XII 9, No 191).




Eretria


With the exception of Strabo the ancient sources do not directly mention the port of Kition. Strabo, in mentioning Kition remarks that it has a closed harbour «...ἔχει δὲ λιμένα κλειστόν». An indirect report of the port exists from Plutarch in Kimon’s Life, who died during the naval siege of Kition. Also at the False Gospel Life and Martydom of Varnavas the Apostole, Apostole Mark, to whom it is attributed mentions that he and Apostle Varnavas took a ship from Kition that ferried them to Salamis. There are also many references from medieval travelers who refered to the harbour situated it in the inner shallow lake, which leads to the sea via a canal. Even in the middle of the nineteenth century Luis de Mas Latrie mentions, "…La ville occupe l’emplacement de Citium, une des plus anciennes colonies Phéniciennes, dont le port et les substruction maritimes se reconnaissent encore dans un petit  étang séparé de la mer par une bande de galets". Some of the medieval travellers made prints of the view they saw, such as the italian priest Jovanni Mariti, who detailed a small inner lake and a canal that leads to the sea. It was probably the ancient "closed port" and its entrance, to which Strabo refered.

It is as well known that in the district of Pamboula there existed marshes. One year after the conquest of Cyprus by the English in 1878, drainage works were undertaken in the area for health reasons. The works were recorded by Ohnefalsch Richter, who studied the artefacts revealed by the transportation of soil for the filling of the basins. This material, from the adjacent hill of Pampoula, most likely formed as medieval deposit, were studied by Myres (Myres 1913, 88). Similar works repeated in 1914 resulted in the morphological alteration of the ancient coastline. Furthermore the alteration reinforced from the modern constructive activity at the area.




Kition


Pseudo-Skyllax mentions the town with Lapethos, Marion and Amathous with the comment, that they all have deserted harbours (…αὗται πάσαι λιμένας ἔχουσαι ἐρήμους…). The city is also mentioned in the catalogues of Pliny with the name Corinaeon and by Ptolemy as Keravnia, however this connection has not been substantiaed. Strabo does not mention the city, when Stadiasmos states that Kyrenia is a city with an"ὕφορμον" (=harbour ?) (…Ἀπὸ Σόλων ε°ς Κερύνειαν στάδιοι τν'. πόλις ἐστὶν. ἔχει …)




Kyrenia


Strabo attributes the founding of the city to Praxandros and the Laconians who "shaped" the coast in a way suitable for accepting ships. This represents the only reference concerning the construction of maritime facilities on Cyprus during the colonisation by the heroes of the Trojan War.

Pseudo-Skyllax mentions this site when commenting on the cities with abandoned harbours, "…Karpasia, Kyrenia, Lapethos of Phoenicians, Soloi (this also has a winter harbour), Marion Greek, Amathus (they are autochthonous). All of them have deserted harbours…". In this instance it is unclear whether he is referring to his own time (4th century BC), or if the information was borrowed from the first Skyllax from Karyanda or other previous authors. Strabo as also mentions Lapethos "…In the interval is the city Lapathus, with a mooring-place and dockyards…" Pliny and Ptolemy also mention the city however no mention of the port is made. Finally, in late antiquity Stadiasmos reports the city with a harbour for small ships, suffering from north wind (…πόλις ἐστὶν. ἔχει λιμένα μικροῖς πλοίοις. χειμάζει βορέου).


Lapethos


Sources concerning the harbour of Lechaeon vary from Thucididies (Thucididies History I.XIII.2) and Diodorous Siculus (XIV, 86, 4.), who refer to the walls, Xenophon who refers to the ship sheds (Hellenica IV, 13), and Plutarch who comments on the vital atmosphere of the harbour (Moralia, 2). Strabo mentions the importance of the harbours of Lechaeon and Kenchraie (Strabo VIII, C378, 20), as does Pausanius who comments on the road that leads from the harbour to the agora of Corinth and also the myth of the names of the two harbours.




Lechaeon


The first ancient written source mentioning the city of Marion having a harbour is Pseudo-Skyllax who says that it has an "erimos" (deserted) harbour "…Marion Greek, Amathus (they are autochthonous). All of them have deserted harbours…". The next reference comes from Strabo who mentions the city as Arsinoe, as Marion was renamed, without noting any kind of port facilities. Finally Stadiasmos by the end of Roman Period or the beginning of Byzantine Times mentions Arsinoe again having an "erimos" harbour devastated from adverse north winds "…Arsinoe… it is a city having a deserted harbour, suffering from north wind…"




Marion


Zur literarischen überlieferung s. Pomponius Mela II 5,77 - Strabo IV 1,4.




Marseille


Verwendung von Gußmörtel (opus caementitium), der unter Wasser erhärtet: Strabon 5,4,6 - Vitruv 2,6, - 5,12 - Plinius NH 35,166 - Cassius Dio 48,51,4 - Diodor V 13




Miseno-Puteoli



La capitale, in continua crescita demografica, era afflitta da gravi problemi di approvvigionamento, soprattutto durante la cattiva stagione. Già i predecessori dell’imperatore Claudio avevano cercato di risolvere il problema del porto di Roma: Cesare aveva fatto progettare radicali sistemazioni dell’alveo, mai effettuate, per rendere il fiume navigabile e Augusto aveva cercato una soluzione relativamente alla foce (Plut. Caes. 58. 10; Vell. Paterc., Aug. II. 95).
 Infine, Claudio decise di far costruire un porto artificiale ma il progetto non ebbe un’accoglienza positiva per l’enorme spesa economica prevista. Inoltre, la pericolosa vicinanza del Tevere avrebbe portato, in breve tempo, grandi quantità di terra in grado di inibire il funzionamento dell’intera struttura (Dio. Rom. LX.11. 3).
Nonostante ciò, il luogo prescelto fu circa 3 km a nord della foce. La costruzione iniziò nel 42 d.C. con lo scavo di metà bacino nella terra ferma, protendendo nel mare aperto due lunghi moli che delimitavano a tenaglia un’ampia superficie (Suet. Claud. 20. 3; Dio. Rom. LX.11.4).
Un faro di segnalazione fu fondato sulla nave in disarmo che, per volere di Caligola, aveva trasportato l’obelisco per il Circo Vaticano; un’imbarcazione di considerevoli dimensioni con un carico di zavorra di oltre 1000 tonnellate che, a dire di Plinio, occupò gran parte del molo sinistro (Plin. Hist. nat. XVI 40, 201 ss; XXXVI 9: 70). Altri autori, tra cui Svetonio e Cassio Dione parlano invece di un’isola (Suet. Claud. 20. 3; Cass. Dio. Rom. LX.11. 4).
Alcuni canali, o fossae, vennero aperti per collegare al mare l’ultimo tratto in curva del Tevere e ridurre così il rischio di inondazioni. Claudio commemorò la sua opera con un’iscrizione monumentale apposta nel 46 d.C. in un edificio pubblico:
"Ti. Claudius Drusi f. Caesar Aug. Germanicus pontif. max. trob. Potest. VI cos. Design. IIII imp. XII p.p. fossis ductis a Tiberi operis portus caussa emissisque in mare urbem inundationis periculo liberavit".
La costruzione del porto fu accompagnata, nel 44 d.C., dal passaggio sotto il controllo imperiale dell’amministrazione del rifornimento del grano. Il questore del Senato fu ritirato da Ostia e sostituito da un procuratore del praefectus annonae (Suet. Claud. 24.2; Cass. Dio. Rom. LX. 24. 3; Meiggs 1973: 55).

Soltanto nel 64 d.C., l’opera portuale venne completata da Nerone che fece coniare, per l’occasione, delle monete commemorative. Le monete ci forniscono il titolo ufficiale del nuovo porto, "portus Augusti Ostiensis"; il titolo di "portus Claudius" deve essere invece considerato un appellativo più tardo (Meiggs 1973: 55-56; 62).
Oltre che dal problema dell’insabbiamento, la sorte dell’enorme bacino era già stata segnata da una traversia: Tacito ci informa che nel 62 d.C. una tempesta affondò o rese inservibili almeno duecento imbarcazioni da carico, mentre un altro centinaio, che erano penetrate nel Tevere, andarono perse a causa di un incendio (Tac., Ann. XV. 18). Tale episodio evidenziò la scarsa affidabilità del porto.
Tra il 100 e il 112 d.C., l’imperatore Traiano interverrà con un nuovo progetto che prevedeva l’escavazione di un grande bacino esagonale, interno rispetto al porto di Claudio. Quest’ultimo rimase attivo forse con più specifica funzione di riparo in rada.


Ostia-Claudio


Ancient and medieval writers often confused the new capital, which featured as a primary stopover on the sea route between Egypt and the Near East, with the older capital of the kingdom (Palaepaphos). Strabo, for instance, mentions Palaepaphos and the harbour, and distinguishes it from Paphos (Nea Paphos), however he confuses the founding myth, which he attributes to the Trojan War hero Agapenor, when in all probability this myth concerns the founding of Palaepaphos. Specifically, Strabo states, "Palaepaphos, which last is situated at about ten stadia above the sea, has a mooring-place and temple… Then the promontory of Zephyria, with a landing-place, and to another Arsinoe, which likewise has a landing-place… And at a little distanced from the sea is Heirocepis. Then to Paphus, which was founded by Agapenor, an has both a harbour and well-built temples…".




Paphos


The harbour of Paphos was not mentioned by Pseudo-Skyllax who wrote during the mid 4th century when the city of Paphos had not been moved, although he also failed to mention Palaepaphos which lay inland from the coast. Strabo, on the other hand, as well as Stadiasmos, state, "a triple harbour safe in all winds" (…ἔχει λιμένα τριπλοῦν παντὶ ἀνέμῳ…). Further accounts are related include the Acts of the Apostles where it is mentioned that the Apostle Paul set sail from Paphos for Perge, and John for to Jerusalem.

The city continued to be the capital of Cyprus during the Roman Period with the same prestige and glory that it had enjoyed in the Helenistic Period. Earthquakes that struck the region during the 1st century AD (15, 77 AD) resulted in renewed additions and reconstruction of the harbour complex. Earthquakes struck the area once again at the end of the 4th century AD with the result that the city of Paphos fell into decline, as did the harbour complex, which gradually began to silt up. The glorious Roman provincial capital was reduced to a small town which is mentioned in Byzantine and later medieval texts, however the ancient harbour had become completely disused and was considered an unsafe anchorage. Due to this factor the area south of Paphos, called Moulia, was used as an anchorage.




Paphos


Thoukidides, 1. 93, 93. 3, 107, 2. 13, 13. 8, 93, 94, 7. 11, 12. 4, 8. 90

Xenofon Ελλ. , 4. 10, 2, 2. 4, 4. 31, 4. 11, Ανάβασις 7, 1. 27

Apianos, Λιβικά 96, Μιθριδάτειος 40, 30

Aristotele, Πολιτικά, ΙΙ 8, Αθ. Πολιτεία, 19, 37, 38, 54, 24, 46, 49, 61

Vitruvius 7. 152. 12

Val. Maximus 8. 12

Diodoros, 11. 41, 12. 49, 14. 33, 14. 85, 18. 64, 18. 68, 20. 45

Dion Chrisostomos, 6. 87, 25. 4

Deinarchos, against Philocles 1, 13, against Demostenes παρ. 17

Strabo, 9. 1, 1. 15, 2, 395 , Ι. 3

Plato, Gorgias 455

Plotarch, Themistocles, 32, 19. , Dimitrios 8, Kimon 13, Sylla 14

Pliny, ΝΗ. 38. 1, 7. 37. 125

Pausanias, Ι. 1. 2, 1. 1. 3, 1. 4, 2, 3, 25. 5 8. 10. 4

Poliainos, Military Ι 40. 3

Diogenis Laertis, 6. 1

Appian, Mithridatios, 30, 41

Ailianos, Various History 2. 13

Aristodime

Suidas,

Arpocration

Aristophanis, Hippeis 815, Eirene 145

Theofrastos, Characters 23

Hirodotos, 6. 116, 8. 76, 77, 107, 92. 5, 93

Lycourgos, Against Leocratis par.. 11

Demostenes 34. 37, 19. 60, 19. 125

Inscriptions:

Arch.Eph.. 1840-1841, p. 124

Arch.Eph 1855, p. 1287

Arch.Eph 1859, p. 1889

Arch.Eph 1862, p. 3

Boeckh A. , 1840: Urkunden ueber das seewesen des Attischen Staates, Berlin pp. 279-280.

Borghese B. , 1843: "Inscrizioni latine del Pireeo e della Valachia" Bull. Inst. pp. 131-134.

B. C. H. :Inscriptions 1882, pp. 278-282.

B. C. H. :Inscriptions 1928, p. 469.

B. C. H. :Inscriptions 1930, p. 459.

B. C. H. :Inscriptions 1931, p. 461.

Choisy, A., 1884: " L’Arsenal du Pirée" και " Les murs d’ Athθnes" in Études épigraphiques sur l’architecture Grecque, Paris.

Comparetti D. , 1862: "Sulle iscrizioni relative al Metroon Pireense" Ann. Inst. XXXIV, pp. 23-45.

Comptes Rendus De L’Academie Des Inscriptions, 1899, Vol Ι, book. XXVII, pp. 68-69.

Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum, I, pp. 157, 250, ΙΙ, pp. 168, 249-258, 481, 614-647, ΙΙΙ, pp. 131-137, 187-197.

Dragatsis, I., 1884: ”Επιγραφαί Πειραιώς”, Arch.Eph. , pp. 39-50.

Dragatsis, I., 1886: ”Πειραϊκά αρχαιολογήματα”, Arch.Eph , pp. 49-52.

Foucar,t P., 1883:" Bas relief du Pirée", BCH VII, Taf. XVIII, pp. 507-514.

Lamprou, L., 1906: Νέος Ελληνομνήμων, p. 63. , 1910, p. 202, 1924, pp. 135, 198.

Le Bas, Ph. , Waddington, 1870-1888 :Voyage archaeologiqueen Grèce et en Asie Mineure, Paris.

Lolling, H. G. , 1881: "Inschriften aus dem Peiraeus", Ath. Mitt. pp. 309-311.

Mattingly, H., 1927 " Find from Piraeus" N. Chr. , Vol. VII, pp. 287-288.

Meletopoulos, A., 1884 : ”Επιγραφές εκ Πειραιώς”, Arch.Eph, pp. 65-70.

Pittakis, K.E., 1855: ”Επιγραφαί ευρεθείσαι εις το νότιον μέρος της Πειραϊκής χερσονήσου υπό Γάλλου Συνταγματάρχου ”, Arch.Eph, Νο 2583 and 2584 p. 1284, Νο. 2585, p.1286, Νο. 2586, p.1287, Νο. 2587, 2588, 2589, 2590, 2591.

Rafn, Ch. C., 1856: Inscription runique du Pirée, Copenhagen

Stephan L., 1843: " Inscrizione metrica" in Bull. Inst., pp. 196-198.




Piraeus


Tito Livio ricorda che i Navalia si trovavano di fronte ai campi di Cincinnato (Liv., III, 26) ovvero nel Campo Marzio. Secondo la tradizione nei Navalia vennero portate le navi di Anzio (337 a.C.) mentre i loro rostri servirono per abbellire la tribuna del Foro Romano (Liv., VIII, 14, 12).
Nel 191 a.C. Attilio Regolo fu incaricato del rimessaggio di queste navi e nel 172 a.C. si restaurarono le vecchie quinqueremi (Liv., XXXVI, 2; XLII, 27). Nel Navale, secondo Procopio (Procop., Bell. Goth. IV, 22, 8), era conservata la grande nave di Enea.



Roma


Ancient written sources can document better than any other the port of Salamis, from the Classic to the Roman period. Isocrates attributes the construction of the port to the famous King Evagoras mentioning: "After he had taken over the government of the city, which had been deduced to a state of barbarism and, because it was ruled by Phoenicians, was neither hospitable to the Greeks nor acquainted with the arts, nor possessed of a trading-port or barbour, Evagoras remedied all these defects and, besides, acquired much additional territory, surrounded it all with new walls and build triremes, and with other construction so increased the city…".

Pseudo-Skyllax later states that: "…Salamis Greek, having a closed winter harbour…" although there is always the problem of whether his information refers to the mid forth century, the Classical, or the Late Archaic period. On the other hand it is unfeasible for the most prosperous city to lack port facilities. Alternatively, if the reference of Isocrates to the lack of a port is correct, and Pseudo-Skyllax re-used information from Skyllax from Karyanda, then we can assume the presence of a port that was silted by the Classic period, thus Evagoras either repair it or constructed a new one for the commercial and naval requirements of his kingdom.

Both Diodorous Siculous and Ploutarch in describing the naval battle between Ptolemy and Demetrius (306 BC) record that the port had a narrow exit, for which the protection of ten ships was enough.

Strabo, however, mentions Salamis without any reference to its port. Instead, he mentions Arsinoe with its port and this is indicative of the importance of the new city against the old one during the Roman period.

However, there is a reference to the port of Salamis from the Evangelist Loucas in Acts of the Apostoles saying that the Apostoles Paul, Mark and Varnavas disembarked in the port of Salamis, coming from Seleukeia in Syria. Apostoles Mark and Varnavas also took a ship from Kition and disembarked in Salamis when they were in Cyprus in 49 BC, according to the False Gospel Life and Martydom of Varnavas the Apostole, attributed to Mark. The reference says that the entrance was full of islets with idols on them.

By the end of the Roman period Stadiasmos mentioned a devastated city named Ammochostos (covered with sand), which has a port for every wind, and also Salamis having a port. This report clearly shows that the port could have been still utilizable. The silting and abandonment however could not be avoided with the passing of time.




Salamis


The important part that Polycrates played in the improvement of the technical harbour works and the enhancement of shipbuilding is reflected in the passages of Herodotus (III 39): «έκτητο δε πεντηκοντόρους τε εκατόν», (ΙΙΙ, 60): «…δεύτερον δε περί λιμένα χώμα εν θαλάσση, βάθος και είκοσι οργυιέων. Μήκος δε του χώματος μέζον δύο σταδίων», Pliny (ΗΝ 7.209), Thoucydites (VIII, 79). The harbour is also mentioned in Strabo (Γεωγραφικά XIV.I, 14): «Από δε της Τρωγιλίου στάδιοι τετταράκοντα εις την Σάμον: βλέπει δε προς νότον και αυτή και ο λιμήν». In Herodotus (ΙΙΙ, 45) mention is made to the ship sheds: «των δ’υπ’εωυτω εόντων πολιητέων τά τέκνα και τας γυναίκας ο Πολυκράτης ες τους νεωσοίκους συνειλήσας είχε ετοίμους, ην άρα προδιδώσι ουτοι προς τους κατιόντας, υποπρησαι αυτοισι τοισι νεωσοικοισι.»




Samos


The city is well traced both in the ancient written sources and the archaeological record (Christou 1973, 91-102). The first reference to the port comes from Pseudo-Skyllax who mentions Soloi as a city with a winter harbour "…Soloi (this also has a winter harbour)…", with similar references to Salamis. Thus, it is clear that the city of Soloi had at its disposal a harbour of some kind by the middle of 3rd c. BC, or even earlier if the writer transcribes information from previous geographers. During Roman times Strabo refers to Soloi as a "… a city Soli, with a harbour and a river…". It is noticable that this harbour was located on the estuary of a river, a common practice on the island and the Levantine coast. The city is also mentioned by Pliny and Ptolemy, but without reference to any kind of harbour. The last reference of Ancient times comes from Stadiasmos that notes the city "not having a harbour" (…πόλις ἐστὶν ἀλίμενος…).




Soloi


The ports of Thasos are mentioned by Pseudo-Scylax in Periplus, 67 (a text of the time of Phillip II father of Alexander the Great): "Θάσος νήσος και πόλις και λιμένας δύο τούτων, ο εις κλειστός."

In Herodotus mention is also made to the construction of the closed harbour and the building of the Thasian navy (VI, 46): "οι γάρ δή Θάσιοι, οία υπό Ιστιαίου τέ του Μιλησίου πολιορκηθέντες και προσόδων εουσέων μεγάλεων, εχρέωντο τοισι χρήμασι νέας τε ναυπηγεύμενοι μακράς και τείχος ισχυρότερον περιβαλλόμενοι. η δε πρόσοδος σφι εγίνετο εκ της ηπείρου και από των μετάλλων."

Further information for the size of the fleet can be drawn upon the following passages: Herodotus VI 47, Thucydites, I 200, 2/ I 101, 1 and 3/ IV 104-5/ VIII 64, 2, 3, 4. Xenophon, Hellenica, 12. Ploutarch, Lives, Kimon 14, 2.

Plyne the Eldest attributes to the Thasians the placing of decks onboard the triremes NH, VII, 209.

As regards the commercial port a 3rd century BC inscription is preserved, which delineates the anchoring regulations for the ships, according to their size: IG XII Suppl. Nr. 348.




Thasos


In 1943, even before the discovery of any Roman material in the region, a Dutch historian came to the conclusion that castellum Flevum must have lain in the vicinity of Velsen, on the basis of the description of the landscape by Tacitus (Annals 4:72). The events described by Tacitus - the revolt of the Friesian local population, resulting in a battle, an attack on Castellum Flevum and a (temporary) retreat of the Romans from the region - took place in AD 28, the presumed end of the main occupation of Velsen 1. This is in accord with the dating by the finds to approximately AD 15-30. The beginning of Velsen 1 should be related to Germanicus' activities in the region in AD 16.
 
 
 


Velsen


Oldest foot-note on theme Wolin originates from halves IX of age, contained is at so-called Bavarian Geographer, which exchanges names of Slav tribes from this of time, giving also quantity possessed by it castles. According to him one from tribes, which calls Veluzanie, possesses 70 of castles. Learned peaceable are regarding this, that goes here about inhabitants of Wolin. Second source, almost to present Bavarian Geographer is St Ansgar life (second half IX century). Author informs, that Danes on the way back from Birka, of which didn’t imitate to them to plunder and to wear out, attacked on other rich city, lying on opposite south coast of Baltic. From this of period we do not know other cities on Slav sea-coast except Wolin, what permits to accept, that remembered source writes just about it.

Written sources

From age X (966 r) originates note of buyer and traveller Ibrahim ibn Jakub about tribe Veltaba, under which authority are found „ huge town over ocean (Baltic), having of twelve gates. Has it harbour, to of which use halved of trunks". Description this historians bind from Wolin. Present Ibrahim chronicler Widukint knows only Slavs bearing name Vuolini, doubtless inhabitants Wolin. In Thietmar chronicle is mention about legates sent to emperor Henryk II from great cities (civitas magna) Livilni. One should accept, that Livilni this also Wolin. Rich relating source Wolin is chronicle Adam of Bremen, written about year 1074. Chronicler this exactly describes position Wolin- Jumne at outlets of Oder, on borderland of Pomerania and of country Wieleci, and informs, that city possesses convenient communication continental and water with Hamburg, Nowogrd, Sambia and Szlezwik (Haithabu). Remembers also about garnek Wulkana"(The Volcano Pot), which was of something in kind of lighthouse. Rich material to history Wolin-Julin and outlets of Oder in XII in. carry in three lives St. Otton, of which authors are: Monk from Prufeningen, Ebbon and Herbord. Behave they to events, which took place during of mission of bishop Otton, driven in years 1124 and 1128 under protectorate Boleslaw Krzywousty. Information about Wolin contains also chronicle Helmold (Helmoldi Chronica Sclavorum...) written about 1163 1167 of year. Author in considerable parts draws messages from chronicle Adam of Bremen. Period of fall of city found one's own image in chronicle Sax Grammar, written about years 1185 and 1190-1195. Author describes among others five Danish incursions, which took place in years 1170 1185. From less reliable sources belongs to mention Scandinavian sagas, in of which Wolin steps out under name Jom and Jomsborg. To most interested is Jomsvikingsaga, containing description of expedition Jomswikings on jarl Hakon and battles under Hjorungavaag (years 985-986). From description Jomsborg results, that city possessed harbour closed on Iron Gate.


Wolin


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